Efficiency and Equity in Welfare Schemes
Some welfare
schemes are good, some are OK, and others are bad, writes Karthik Muralidharan
in Accelerating India’s Development. He suggests using Efficiency (efficient
or not?) v/s Equity (reduces inequality or not?) metric to evaluate different
welfare schemes in the country, split among the 4 quadrants, R1 to R4.
Some schemes are
good only on one count (Efficiency or Equity), others on both, and yet others hurt
on both counts.
Take free
electricity for farmers (#10, in R3). It is bad on both counts. How? The
richest farmers (5%) account for 50% of the subsidy money. The poorest in
farming, the landless labourers, get absolutely nothing from the scheme.
Further, free electricity encourages cultivation of water intensive crops
(since borewells become practically free), which reduces the water level
progressively and aggravates the water problem. (The Delhi smog connection to free electricity is also well known).
There are more indirect negative impacts of this free electricity policy.
Someone has to foot the electricity bill. In India, it is not the state
(or central) government. Rather, it is the power distribution companies
(DISCOMs). They try to recover the money by over-charging industrial users. Who
then pass increase the prices of their products. The higher prices then make
many industries globally uncompetitive.
On the other side
of the spectrum (#1, in R1) is a scheme like NREGS (National Rural Employment
Guarantee Scheme). It improves Equity by providing employment to all rural
folks. It is especially relevant to the landless labourers, whose employment is
seasonal. In addition, it gives such people an option in employment, which can
result in increased wages for them (that’s just how competition works). When
the scheme is used for activities that genuinely add value (e.g. rural road
construction), NREGS helps improve economic growth of the country.
A scheme like NYAY
(#9, in R4) is about giving ₹72,000 p.a. to the poorest 20%. This is an obvious
good from the Equity perspective. But on the Efficiency side, it fares poorly.
How? It incentivizes people to forge their way into the beneficiaries list. Plus,
the genuinely needy folks are the ones who struggle the most to produce the
relevant paperwork to prove their eligibility. And it reduces incentives to
work – an increase in income might disqualify you from NYAY!
Merit based
scholarships (#2, in R2) are Efficient. But they would end up going to kids who
are already better-off, thus violating Equity.
His point in
citing examples from each quadrant was to drive home certain general points: (1)
Often there is a tradeoff between Equity and Efficiency; (2) But
not always, some schemes are good on both; others are bad on both; (3)
Schemes with the same intent can fall into different quadrants based on
the details; (4) It is key to collect data and evidence of
how schemes fare, and update and improve accordingly. Conversely, it is
impossible to know upfront all possible consequences a scheme may have.
The key therefore
is in continuously evaluating schemes to see how they fare and their
consequences. Then improve or scrap them as appropriate.
He also says that benefits should be provided reliably and predictably. Because those two attributes allow people to plan what they will do and when. Uncertainty and unpredictability paralyze any planning (and thus outcomes).
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