Delimitation #1: History and Consequences
Shruti Rajagopalan wrote this excellent piece on the topic of delimitation (and possible solutions):
“Delimitation
refers to the action of fixing the boundary or limits of something. In Indian
politics, it means determining the number of constituencies, their size in each
state, and their boundaries.”
There is a very
good reason for updating the number of MP’s in the Lok Sabha from each state
periodically. The intent is that an MP, anywhere in the country, represent
the same number of citizens. This principle implies that if the population
of a place rises, then those places should have more MP’s. (The Constitution
sets an upper limit on the number of Lok Sabha MP’s, which has been
periodically updated via Amendments since independence).
Then:
“In
1976, (the 42nd Amendment) froze the number and boundary of constituencies in
the Lok Sabha and state legislatures according to the population numbers from
the 1971 census.”
The official
reason for the freeze was because delimitation would “reward” states that
didn’t practice population control and “penalize” (southern) states that did
so. The real reason though, says Rajagopalan, was one word: money.
Back then, there
was no federalism on money matters. Money had to come from the Center, which
allocated money to the states based on need. The poorer states had greater
population and higher population growth rates. What’s that got to do with
delimitation? Aha, remember, all money bills have to pass the Lok Sabha (not
Rajya Sabha), so the more the MP’s from a state, the more power it had in Lok
Sabha, including, as we just saw, on critical money transfer matters:
“Thus,
a fiscally centralized system only punishes wealthier southern states through a
reduction of proportional seats in the Lok Sabha.”
Maharashtra is an
outlier on this front: like the south, it is richer and its population growth
is low. But because it is the “recipient of the highest in-migration”, its
population increases and it would benefit from delimitation!
In 2001, when the
1976 moratorium expired, delimitation was revisited. The Vajpayee government
extended it by 25 years because it was a coalition government and couldn’t
alienate the south, and there were moves to carve out states out of Bihar and
MP, and it wasn’t clear how reallocation would work.
Today, it is
approaching the 50 year mark since the last delimitation exercise. Continuing
to avoid delimitation creates other problems. First, the average
MP represents 2.5 million people (that’s far too many). See graph below for
context:
Second, such
a poor ratio of MP per population degrades further what/how much MP’s
(can) do to address the needs of their constituents.
This then is the history of why we are where we are, and all its negative consequences. In the next blog, we’ll go over the ways forward that Rajagopalan suggests.
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