The Sabyasachi Das Paper
What is it that the (former) Ashoka University assistant professor, Sabyasachi Das, did that stirred up such a storm? He did a rigorous analysis of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in his paper, “Democratic Backsliding in the World's Largest Democracy”. But what exactly did the paper say/find?
Yogendra Yadav
wrote this excellent piece describing what that paper said (and
equally important, what it did not say). First, this wasn’t an
economist writing about politics. Rather, this was a statistical analysis
of certain patterns Das found. As with many things in statistics, it cannot
prove something; but it sure can raise valid suspicions. Das himself
admits as much in the paper:
“The
tests are, however, not proofs of fraud, nor does it suggest that manipulation
was widespread.”
Second, since this
is a purely statistical analysis, it does not get into topics like EVM
tampering – one needs to prove that happened, just throwing accusations is
pointless. Instead, as Yadav explains:
“Assuming
that any electoral malpractice would leave its traces, he analyses the patterns
of outcome at the constituency and booth level and zeros in
at apparent abnormalities. This is election forensics. The
advantage is that this is based on official election data, not any
allegation or some disputed data set… The limitation is that while it
establishes a pattern of malpractice, and can help identify a mechanism as
well, this is probabilistic reasoning.”
Third, Das’ paper
notes several oddities:
-
The
BJP won an abnormally high number of closely contested seats (Das says
abnormally high based on comparison with patterns from all Lok Sabha elections
from 1977 onwards).
-
Most
of these wins were in NDA ruled states.
-
These
constituencies showed another trend: they had lesser increase in the voter
list, esp. Muslim voters, than the national average. This would suggest (but not
prove) strategic deletions.
-
There
was an abnormal pattern in the numerals of vote counts in these constituencies
– the distribution of digits that would be expected by statistics wasn’t the
case here. Such deviations were largely in constituencies with higher
proportion of Muslim voters.
Fourth, the number
of constituencies that showed the above mentioned patterns isn’t huge – it was
between 9 to 18, as Das himself states in the paper. Yadav then spells out what
that number (9 to 18) means:
“(The
number of constituencies is) too few to affect its (BJP’s) majority in the Lok
Sabha. So, to reiterate, this paper does not say or imply that Narendra Modi
came to power in 2019 through electoral fraud.”
As Yadav
repeatedly says, none of this is proof. But, in any democratic system, it is
important that things should be fair, and they should appear to be
fair. All of the above raises concerns on the second criteria – the
appearance of things. Unlike the all too many wild allegations from so many,
this one is different:
“It
should be clear why this is no half-baked analysis, a mere speculation or a
wild allegation. We can be very sure that something was fishy about the
electoral outcome in some closely contested seats.”
I am very
impressed by this paper. It is based on statistical analysis of official data,
not opinions or questionable data. It repeatedly reiterates that it can notice
patterns, raise questions, but is careful to admit it is not conclusive proof.
It compares against earlier elections, which strengthens its own assessments.
All of which is why I can see why Yadav wrote:
“My
first reaction was pure envy: I wish I could do this kind of data analysis...
This research paper is among the most rigorous pieces of empirical work on
Indian elections that I have seen in a long time. To be honest, this one paper
contains within it no less than eight high quality research papers.
Any one of these papers could have made it to a professional journal. This
paper alone could secure tenure for the writer in any top-notch university.”
Instead, sadly, we find the university distancing itself from the paper and Das; and Das being driven to resign.
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